No need to respond- I usually do a Critical Issues and Trends in Research, Special Education and Disability Seminar- the intersectionality principle is taking us into all different areas that I honestly am
still trying to figure out- so maybe we do so together. I usually cover the main issues that are hitting us- one of those is critical theory- where it comes from, areas it makes sense- and areas that it really doesn’t- but it is applied in all fields now-
not just CRT or Critical Legal Studies, or comes to us in the form of Critical Disability Studies- this one is making its rounds from the Journal of Marriage and Counseling from Critical Feminism for example and overlaps with families of those with disabilities-
especially those from CLD backgrounds if the principle or logic of intersectionality is followed as I understand it. Remember- you have to flip the switch and become scholars- which means interacting with all kinds of subject matter and trying to make sense
of it- what is valid and what is not…MDB
Theorizing White heteropatriarchal supremacy, marriage fundamentalism, and the mechanisms that maintain family inequality
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/jomf.12971
In this article, I draw upon critical feminist and intersectional frameworks to delineate an overarching orientation to structural oppression and unequal power relations that advantages White heteropatriarchal
nuclear families (WHNFs) and marginalizes others as a function of family structure and relationship status. Specifically, I theorize that marriage fundamentalism, like structural racism, is a key structuring element of White heteropatriarchal supremacy. Marriage
fundamentalism can be understood as an ideological and cultural phenomenon, where adherents espouse the superiority of the two-parent married family. But it is also a hidden or unacknowledged structural mechanism of White heteropatriarchal family supremacy
that is essential to the reproduction and maintenance of family inequality in the United States. Through several examples, I demonstrate how—since colonization—marriage fundamentalism has been instantiated through laws, policies, and practices to unduly advantage
WHNFs while simultaneously marginalizing Black, Indigenous, immigrant, mother-headed, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer/questioning (LGBTQ+) families, among others. I conclude with a call for family scientists to further interrogate how marriage
fundamentalism reproduces family inequality in American family life and to work toward its dismantling. A deeper understanding of how these complex and often covert mechanisms of structural oppression operate in family life is needed to disrupt these mechanisms
and advance family equality and justice.